編者按：美國(guó)一些媒體、政客常常質(zhì)疑中國(guó)的抗疫表現(xiàn)，有的還指控中國(guó)隱瞞感染人數(shù)。中國(guó)人民大學(xué)重陽(yáng)金融研究院執(zhí)行院長(zhǎng)王文在《環(huán)球時(shí)報(bào)》英文版開(kāi)設(shè)的“變局”專(zhuān)欄中指出，美國(guó)不只是低估了中國(guó)政府強(qiáng)大的動(dòng)員與調(diào)配能力，更低估了普通中國(guó)人為此自覺(jué)付出的努力。

本文英文版在Global Times的版面截圖

我所居住的望京，是北京國(guó)際化程度很高的區(qū)域。這里有許多全球500強(qiáng)公司區(qū)域總部，常住60萬(wàn)居民里約10%是外國(guó)人。每周末，我都會(huì)在望京各個(gè)公園之間健走，一邊鍛煉身體，一邊觀察著城市變化。

按理說(shuō)，中國(guó)多數(shù)城市已連續(xù)1個(gè)多月沒(méi)有新增本土新冠病例。這個(gè)熱愛(ài)自由、向往繁華、對(duì)標(biāo)國(guó)際的街區(qū)，應(yīng)該全面解禁了。但相反，包括許多外國(guó)人在內(nèi)，望京居民們?nèi)远即髦谡郑z毫沒(méi)有放松，小心翼翼地防范二次復(fù)發(fā)的可能性。每個(gè)住宅小區(qū)、商場(chǎng)門(mén)口，有專(zhuān)人負(fù)責(zé)檢測(cè)體溫。在商務(wù)區(qū)，周末加班的公司也非常少，盡可能鼓勵(lì)在家辦公。

其實(shí)，不只是望京，14億中國(guó)人、2800個(gè)縣城多數(shù)都如此。只要政府不下令解禁，即便本地區(qū)從未出現(xiàn)過(guò)病例，國(guó)民仍會(huì)自律，以強(qiáng)大的忍耐力，為疫情防控做出經(jīng)濟(jì)上、生活上的個(gè)人犧牲。

相比于美國(guó)，連續(xù)兩個(gè)多月日均2萬(wàn)以上的新增病例，但許多州的民眾已忍無(wú)可忍，紛紛上街游行，抗議政府的禁令。很多人甚至拒戴口罩，涌向海灘，有的城市還準(zhǔn)備開(kāi)啟大型體育賽事。

醫(yī)學(xué)統(tǒng)計(jì)表明，人人自覺(jué)戴口罩的社會(huì)，比一半人不戴口罩的社會(huì)，感染率將下降50倍。人們總是比較中美兩國(guó)政府的治理能力，卻經(jīng)常忽視了這次疫情期中美兩國(guó)民眾的素質(zhì)差異。

美國(guó)一些媒體、政客常常質(zhì)疑中國(guó)的抗疫表現(xiàn)，有的還指控中國(guó)隱瞞感染人數(shù)。顯然，他們不只是低估了中國(guó)政府強(qiáng)大的動(dòng)員與調(diào)配能力，更低估了普通中國(guó)人為此自覺(jué)付出的努力。

這是一種全民付出，包括從中央到基層社區(qū)的公務(wù)人員加班加點(diǎn)，排查隔離檢測(cè)的細(xì)致工作，還包括上百萬(wàn)醫(yī)務(wù)人員勇于奉獻(xiàn)、如軍隊(duì)般敢打硬仗，更包括每一位普通國(guó)民將生命看得高于一切的價(jià)值觀與自我限制自由的社會(huì)成熟度。

國(guó)民成熟度，是中國(guó)取得抗疫階段性勝利的重要文化密碼。盡管在1月份剛面對(duì)陌生病毒時(shí)，中國(guó)社會(huì)有一些手忙腳亂。在社區(qū)防控上，還存有一些小農(nóng)意識(shí)。但很快中國(guó)就穩(wěn)住了局面。經(jīng)歷了2003年非典、2008年汶川大地震的中國(guó)人，在抗疫階段的總體表現(xiàn)顯然強(qiáng)于過(guò)去，也好于歐美社會(huì)。

很顯然，抗疫正在改變中國(guó)人的社會(huì)與政治價(jià)值觀。像是一次思想啟蒙，中國(guó)人正在出現(xiàn)超越西方新自由主義精神的新覺(jué)醒。40年前，中國(guó)重新打開(kāi)國(guó)門(mén)后，個(gè)人主義、自由主義如洪水般涌向中國(guó)，思想解放、權(quán)利保護(hù)、個(gè)體至上吸引了無(wú)數(shù)中國(guó)人。不得不承認(rèn)，這些源于西方現(xiàn)代化進(jìn)程中的新思想，為中國(guó)改革開(kāi)放的成功貢獻(xiàn)了積極力量。

但智慧的中國(guó)人將源于本土的文化傳統(tǒng)與外來(lái)的意識(shí)形態(tài)完美地結(jié)合起來(lái)，平衡了自由與限制、市場(chǎng)與政府、改革與穩(wěn)定、資本與公益、個(gè)人主義與集體主義之間的微妙關(guān)系。每當(dāng)國(guó)家有困難時(shí)，那些有利于中國(guó)發(fā)展的文化特點(diǎn)就會(huì)突顯出來(lái)。

2008年國(guó)際金融危機(jī)后，中國(guó)人更是全面反思西方國(guó)家以新自由主義的運(yùn)行邏輯的經(jīng)濟(jì)、金融、政治發(fā)展模式，自信地發(fā)現(xiàn)了中國(guó)自己優(yōu)勢(shì)。“華盛頓共識(shí)”在中國(guó)全面破產(chǎn)，“中國(guó)方案”常常被世界所引述。

在國(guó)家治理上，當(dāng)下的中國(guó)人像檢測(cè)出病毒那樣，發(fā)現(xiàn)了此前從西方引進(jìn)的經(jīng)濟(jì)與社會(huì)政策的問(wèn)題。比如，房地產(chǎn)市場(chǎng)化，雖推動(dòng)部分人財(cái)富增長(zhǎng)，但隱藏著大量社會(huì)風(fēng)險(xiǎn)；交通私家車(chē)化，雖帶來(lái)出行便利，但也是能源危機(jī)、環(huán)境惡化、城市病的關(guān)鍵癥結(jié)。相反，一些根植于中國(guó)本土的治理經(jīng)驗(yàn)，卻有不少亮點(diǎn)，比如精準(zhǔn)扶貧；家庭儲(chǔ)蓄習(xí)慣；農(nóng)村土地聯(lián)產(chǎn)承包責(zé)任制；人類(lèi)命運(yùn)共同體的外交理念，等等。

遺憾的是，美國(guó)多數(shù)媒體、政客仍將中國(guó)獨(dú)創(chuàng)視為一種叛逆、革命甚至是邪惡的存在。這無(wú)疑是一種意識(shí)形態(tài)層面的種族歧視。

好在包括馬丁·雅克、馬凱碩、貝淡寧、羅思義等一批國(guó)際學(xué)者已開(kāi)始重新研究中國(guó)。希望這樣的外國(guó)學(xué)者越來(lái)越多。而那些低估中國(guó)人覺(jué)醒的美國(guó)媒體、政客們，終究會(huì)為自己的錯(cuò)誤而自我埋單。

以下為英文版

Never underestimate Chinese awakening

I live in Wangjing, a quite internationalized area in Beijing. Many Fortune 500 companies are headquartered there, and 10 percent of the around 600,000 residents are expats. Every weekend, I take walks in Wangjing's many parks to exercise and watch the changes in the city.

There have been no new confirmed cases of COVID-19 for a month in many Chinese cities. Wangjing, the internationalized area, is supposed to ease the epidemic control measures. But Wangjing's residents, including many expats, are cautious. They continue to wear masks and guard against second wave of infections.

This is not only happening in Wangjing. More than 2,800 counties nationwide and 1.4 billion Chinese are doing this too.As long as the government does not officially announce lifting the ban, people will always exercise discipline. Even if their residential areas have never reported an infection case, they will continue to make their own sacrifices for epidemic prevention and control.

This stands in comparison with the US where an average of 20,000 daily cases have emerged for two consecutive months, the public in many states cannot bear stay-at-home order. Certain people even go to the street to protest control measures. Some even refuse to wear masks and flock to the beach. Some cities are even starting to prepare large-scale sporting events.

Medical statistics show that the infection rate in a society where people are disciplined to wear masks is 50 times lower than in places where half of the people do not wear masks. Analysts tend to compare the governance abilities of both the Chinese and US governments, but ignore the differences of cultures between the two societies.

This is a nationwide devotion. From the central government to grass-root communities, public servants work overtime and check quarantine work. Tens of thousands of medical workers battle against the virus. Every ordinary Chinese people put life above all values and exhibit social maturity to practice self-discipline.

This national maturity is key to China's phased success in fighting the epidemic.During the initial stage of the outbreak in January, Chinese society was somehow chaotic, but the situation was soon much better. The Chinese people who have experienced the 2003 SARS outbreak and the 2008 Wenchuan earthquake perform much better than the past and than people in Europe and the US.

Obviously, the COVID-19 fight is changing Chinese people's social and political values. It is like the Enlightenment, and Chinese people are experiencing a new spiritual awakening that is surpassing Western neoliberalism. When China opened up more than 40 years ago, individualism and liberalism flooded into the country. The emancipation of minds and protection of rights attracted Chinese people. We have to admit that these new thoughts, which originated from the process of Western modernization hundreds of years ago, have contributed to the success of China's reform and opening-up.

But wise Chinese people have perfectly combined their domestic cultural traditions with foreign ideologies. They have balanced this delicate relationship between freedom and restriction, market and government, reform and stability, capital and welfare, and individualism and collectivism.Every time when our country faces difficulties, those cultural characteristics that benefit China's development will be highlighted.

After the 2008 financial crisis, Chinese people fully reflected on Western countries' economic, financial and political model under neoliberalism. They confidently found China's own advantages. The Washington Consensus went bankrupt in China, and the Chinese approach was often quoted by the world.

In terms of national governance, Chinese people have found problems in the economic and social policies introduced from the West. For example, although the marketization of real estate makes some people richer, it hides lots of social risks; the popularization of private cars, while bringing convenience, is the crux of the energy crisis, environmental degradation and urban diseases. On the contrary, some governance experiences rooted in China have shined, such as targeted poverty alleviation, the habit of household savings, the household contract responsibility system in the early 1980s, and the diplomatic concept of building a community with a shared future for humanity.

But it is a pity that a lot of US media and politicians still regard these Chinese experiences as a rebellion, revolution or even evil. This is undoubtedly ideological discrimination.

Fortunately, a group of international scholars, including Martin Jacques, Kishore Mahbubani, Daniel A. Bell and John Ross, have started to restudy China. Hopefully there will be more and more such foreign scholars. Those certain US media and politicians that underestimate the awakening of Chinese people will eventually pay for their own mistakes.